![]() ![]() Federal emergency planning and national security policies played by the rules of the American system of legal and customary racism. “Segregationist liberalism” is what Grossman calls the domestic context of the Cold War. The NAACP’s “Oust Caldwell” campaign was no match for politics, in which Black Americans had little to no say because of the denial of voting rights.īeyond these favored, and heavily subsidized, citizens, large portions of the American population were essentially written-off, especially in cities. Truman also wanted to calm anti-big government voices with his appointment of a “states’ rights” advocate who could conceivably be in charge of the country after a nuclear war. In picking Caldwell, Truman wanted to win support from “Dixiecrats” who had given four Southern States to Strom Thurmond in the 1948 election. Grossman shows, the NAACP protested Caldwell’s appointment, but to no avail. “While the majority of citizens in the United States were learning to ‘duck and cover,’ the National Association of Colored People (NAACP) was involved in an internal debate about whether African Americans, given the realities of Jim Crow in the South and the treatment of African Americans as second class citizens, should even take part in civil defense activities.”Īs scholar Andrew D. Even while he held his federal position, Caldwell refused to respect NAACP officials by addressing them by their professional titles. ![]() The former Governor of Florida, Caldwell was a vocal segregationist who, along with many local civil defense authorities, fully intended to maintain segregation with “whites only” bomb-shelters and plans for a post-apocalyptic preservation of Jim Crow racism. ![]() In 1950, President Truman appointed Millard Caldwell, Jr., as the first head of the Federal Civil Defense Administration (FCDA). ![]()
0 Comments
Leave a Reply. |
AuthorWrite something about yourself. No need to be fancy, just an overview. ArchivesCategories |